In Italy, the 2027 Election Campaign Is Underway, with AI-Generated Fake Images Also Circulating

In this interview, MASSIMILIANO PANARARI, Professor at the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia (UniMORE), Italy, discusses the social media communication styles of Italy's political forces, digital habits particularly prevalent among young people, and populist agendas shaped by political competition.

- Which social media platforms are mostly most widely used by residents of Italy? And what factors influence people's choice of these platforms?

M.P. - In Italy, as in many other Western countries, we see differences in social media usage depending on users' age. Facebook is used mainly by people aged between 50 and 70. Instagram is primarily used by people between 18 and 40. TikTok is more popular among younger users, although we are also seeing a shift in its user demographics, with people up to the age of 40 now using it. This represents a change compared with the past. X is rarely used, mainly by people involved in politics, political communication, lobbying, or associations. There has also been a shift over the past three years or so. Many left-wing users and people with progressive views or affiliations have decided to stop using X because of the growing presence of populist ideas, violent rhetoric, and hate speech on the platform.

- Who is currently winning the competition for public attention, traditional media or social media platforms?  Which communication channels do the government, opposition groups and civil society activists prefer to use when addressing the public, especially during critical periods such as elections, political crises or when sharing urgent news?

M.P. - Legacy media, unfortunately, are losing the competition for people's attention and their ability to influence public debate. This is because traditional media, particularly the press and newspapers, tend to appeal to people with higher levels of education. I am referring mainly to the print media, rather than television.

Television has traditionally played an important role in Italian public debate, public opinion, and the broader public sphere. This role underwent a transformation with the rise of commercial television, which gained a significant audience.

In the decades following the Second World War, public broadcasting had a largely educational role, helping to inform the public and improve the quality of public debate in Italy. However, commercial television gradually began to intervene more directly in public and political debate, particularly from the 1990s onwards.

Above all, I am referring to the transformation brought about by Silvio Berlusconi and the model of commercial television associated with him. We can say that, although not in a deterministic sense, Silvio Berlusconi's presence contributed to shifting part of Italian public opinion towards right-wing positions. This legacy has remained significant to this day. Television, particularly commercial television, as well as the role of public broadcasting, continues to be important in shaping public debate. This is also true under the current government led by Giorgia Meloni, with television playing a significant role in steering public debate towards the right.

But ultimately, in a context where abstention (declining voter turnout, decreasing electoral engagement, and growing disengagement from politics - Ed.) is increasing, social media have come to play a very important role.

They have become spaces where people discuss collective themes and issues. Of course, these discussions take place in a very different way than in traditional media. Nevertheless, we can say that, at this stage, social media and social networks have become central to shaping public debate on issues of collective concern.

- Which groups (government officials, political party leaders, civil society organizations) are the most active users of social media in your country? For whom has social media become a primary tool of communication?

M.P. - The governing party, the majority in this period, will face new elections next year. But from 2022 until now, the majority parties have been very active in their use of social media. Above all, Fratelli d'Italia, the largest party in Italy, led by Giorgia Meloni. Giorgia Meloni is the Prime Minister of Italy and is also the president of Fratelli d'Italia. Forza Italia, the second party in the governing coalition, has a tradition of this connection with television, because its leader and founder was Silvio Berlusconi. Lega, the far-right party led by Matteo Salvini, also uses social media in a very strong and aggressive way, although we can say that Fratelli d'Italia dominates the social media sphere. We can also observe that there are many associations, even if they are not directly affiliated with these parties, that play a role in amplifying the themes, issues and this kind of communication coming from the government.

Above all, concerning issues like immigration and the fight against illegal immigration, they focus mainly on amplifying people's fears and concerns about security, crime, and other issues typical of populist parties. The current majority is strongly populist, except for Forza Italia, which is more of a centrist party. But as far as the general communication coming from the government and from this network of associations close to the government is concerned, the tone of the communication is strongly populist.

We can also see an escalation in this regard, because Giorgia Meloni is concerned about competition from another far-right party, Futuro Nazionale, led by a former general, Roberto Vannacci, who came from the army. And actually, this is a kind of neo-fascist party in the Italian political landscape.

- How does your country experience foreign information manipulation and interference, Fimi, and other forms of public opinion manipulation in practice? What role do social networks play in these hybrid attacks and in the efforts to counter them?

M.P. - The hybrid media system, combined with the use of social media, offers many opportunities for manipulation, disinformation, misinformation, and all kinds of fake news and “poison” within the information system. In Italy, we notice a problem affecting, above all, the younger generation. The difficulties within the school system, in particular, and the widespread use of these digital languages as part of young people's everyday lives and normal way of communicating have made it much more difficult for them to distinguish the truth – I mean, objective facts - from alternative facts and the various forms of manipulation present on the web.

Of course, we cannot find politicians who openly defend the direct use of manipulation. But, above all, these kinds of associations, which are more or less linked to the parties, carry out their dirty tricks and engage directly in this kind of manipulation and disinformation, without any concern or regard for professional ethics. So, this is a really big problem in Italy, amplified by artificial intelligence. In these last two years, at least, we have witnessed the spread of propaganda. I mean, sloppy propaganda, with these kinds of images produced by artificial intelligence that alter and manipulate public debate. Roberto Vannacci's party is directly using this kind of sloppy propaganda, even if, when someone points out that the propaganda is completely false, he says that he is not directly responsible. But, of course, there are some associations of friends and some movements of admirers that are using this kind of negative propaganda.

But the problem is increasing, and we are worried about next year's electoral campaign because, although the leaders of the two main parties, Giorgia Meloni for the centre-right and Elly Schlein of the Democratic Party for the centre-left, have said that it is necessary to find regulatory and legislative ways to stop manipulation and the improper use of artificial intelligence, it is impossible for them to find a solution before the electoral campaign, which, of course, has already started.

 

This video was produced with the financial support of the European Union and the German Marshall Fund of the United States Transatlantic Foundation (GMF TF). Its contents are the sole responsibility of the “Region” Research Center and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or the GMF TF.

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